By P. Carnegie
This booklet establishes stress exists among how we body democratisation and the conclusions we arrive at. It demonstrates how and why studying ambiguity concerns within the research of Indonesia's post-authoritarian payment and highlights the necessity for discussion with proponents of social clash theory.
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It provided a culturally symbolic justification for centralized authoritarian practices in order to achieve economic developmental goals (Bertrand 2004: 30–34). This authoritarian interpretation of Pancasila slowly became a dominant political discourse (bahasa pejabat). Framing the legitimacy of the New Order around development rather than representation meant that repression, electoral intimidation, and control of the media could all be justified in the name of national interest. It provided Suharto with the political grammar to justify his prerogative and legitimate the enforcement of his guidance through various bureaucratic and ideological mechanisms.
Second, elected officials should not be subject to severe constraints or exclusion from certain policy domains by nonelected actors. Third, the national territory should be inclusive of the voting population. Fourth, there should be an expectation that a fair electoral process and its surrounding freedoms will continue into an indefinite future. Having established a working definition of democracy to ground our inquiry, the next important thing to remember is that democratization is not the same thing as democracy.
51 percent). Even with these bare statistics, it is easy to see that since independence, establishing a state capable of holding this diverse a conglomeration of peoples together has been a major exercise in nation building, especially in terms of D e m o c r at i z at i o n a n d C o n t e x t ua l N a r r at i v e s 45 integrative political identity. Fortunately, a shared history of anticolonial struggle has done much to help Indonesians imagine and construct normative values between state and society (Bertrand 2004).