By Rens van Munster
Securitizing Immigration offers with the becoming challenge for immigration as an issue of defense on the ecu point. It combines an research of how bureaucratic and political tactics have interacted within the integration approach with an research of ways those practices can be found in a context formed through the preoccupation with danger.
Read or Download Securitizing Immigration: The Politics of Risk in the EU (Palgrave Studies in International Relations) PDF
Best political freedom books
China’s emergence as a very good energy is a world crisis which may almost certainly regulate the constitution of worldwide politics. Its upward push is multidimensional, affecting the political, safety, and fiscal affairs of all states that include the world’s quickest constructing area of the Asia-Pacific. many of the lately released reviews on China’s upward thrust have occupied with its kinfolk with its speedy neighbours in Northeast Asia: Japan, the Koreas, Taiwan, and Russia.
The alliance among Syria and Iran has proved to be an everlasting characteristic at the political panorama of the center East. This publication lines the serious phases within the evolution and consolidation of the alliance within the Nineteen Eighties, and gives factors for its sturdiness into the twenty first century.
Securitizing Immigration offers with the starting to be problem for immigration as an issue of safety on the european point. It combines an research of ways bureaucratic and political approaches have interacted within the integration technique with an research of the way those practices can be found in a context formed by means of the preoccupation with danger.
- Global Matters for Non-Governmental Public Action
- Critical Approaches to Security: An Introduction to Theories and Methods
- Discouraging Terrorism
- Pamphlets and Papers, 1809-1811 (Vol 3)
Additional resources for Securitizing Immigration: The Politics of Risk in the EU (Palgrave Studies in International Relations)
Example text
A similar sense of urgency is found in the Coordinators’ Group Palma document, which stresses the need for a great deal of flanking measures to be taken before free movement can be introduced in a responsible manner. Thus, the Coordinators’ Group argues that ‘in many instances the measures proposed, for example those regarding provisions on immigration . . are ones which are desirable in their own right, though equally their implementation assumes greater urgency and importance in the light of the objective of free movement’ (Coordinators’ Group 1989: emphasis added).
As Knelangen argues, it is therefore not important whether the perceived ‘security deficit’ was real or not: What is decisive, rather, is that in the perception of the leading actors from national ministries of Justice and the Interior as well as high-ranking representatives from the police borders are seen as a central element in combating crime. Their disappearance could therefore only be accepted if they would be flanked by compensatory measures of a policing nature. (My translation) As Wouter van de Rijt (1998), a representative of the Schengen Secretariat, has argued, Schengen permitted working groups to work across various policy domains in order to establish links between them.
3 Indeed, the conclusion of the Schengen Accord was not a response to security concerns but to the 1984 road blockades thrown up by French lorry drivers, who protested against the extensive controls by customs officials, which caused them long delays on their trans-European routes (Wallace 1999: 512). 4 This in turn led to the signing of two bilateral agreements – both of which are mentioned in the preamble of the Schengen Accord – in which the abolishment of internal frontiers was regulated: The 31 May Neustadt/Aisch agreement between Germany and the Benelux countries and the 13 July 1984 Saarbrücken agreement between France and Germany.