By Lise Rakner
This publication analyses the implementation of political and eco-nomic liberalization in Zambia through the first election classes (1991–2001). targeting the negotiations among govt and the foremost household curiosity teams, in addition to the dialogues among the MMD executive and the foreign donor group, the booklet argues that regardless of a disastrous socio-economic list, the methods of political and monetary liberalization proceeded concomitantly with no heavily affecting or undermining one another. opposite to expectancies associated either to the political and fiscal reform tactics, govt dominance elevated in Zambia within the Nineties. Stressing continuity instead of swap, the research of Zambia’s reform approaches means that the practices of patronage politics linked to authoritarian regimes fit with strategies of political and fiscal liberalization.
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Through the major state indus- 1. Named after the Mulungushi Rock venture of the UNIP National Congress where the reforms were presented and accepted. 1 The magnitude of the state’s involvement in the economy is illustrated by the fact that Zambia inherited 14 parastatals at independence, among them four agricultural marketing boards. After the major nationalisation effort was completed by the mid-1970s, 147 parastatals were in existence and 121 under a single holding company, ZIMCO (Callaghy 1990:289).
The struggle for national unity became from an early date the main political ambition of the new leadership, reflected in the rallying slogan adopted at the time of independence ‘One Zambia One Nation’ (Gertzel et al. 1984). 1 Starting in April 1968, the UNIP government implemented the first of what proved to be a series of economic reforms by buying controlling shares in twenty-six major companies. In 1969 the state acquired a 51 per cent controlling share in the major copper-mining companies, Anglo-American Corporation and Roan Selection Trust, the two main pillars of the Zambian economy (Turok 1989:42).
Thus, by 1992 the multinational finance institutions, led by the World Bank through its co-ordinating functions, again came to occupy a leading role within an increasingly homogenous aid regime (Nelson and Eglington 1992; Sandberg 1990; Gibbon 1993). More and more, the international donor community held that processes of economic and political liberalisation were not only compatible, but also interdependent and should be promoted simultaneously (Moore 1993; Robinson 1995). But, whereas the World Bank and the IMF tended to see governance as a question of management of a country’s resources and thus emphasised issues of accountability, transparency and predictability in public administration, other aid agencies emphasised democratisation as a goal in itself.