By Maurice Mullard, Bankole A. Cole
This wide-ranging, multidisciplinary number of unique papers explores the hyperlink among globalisation, citizenship and the warfare on terror. principles from sociology, criminology, political technology and improvement reports are included into the individuals' exam of the character of globalisation and the battle on terror. utilizing theoretical frameworks, analysing present concerns and reflecting on latest literature and earlier occasions, they illustrate how the tactics of globalisation and the warfare on terror are shaping and defining citizenship either globally and inside kingdom states.
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Sample text
Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests? ) Such solidly classical realist objectives are far from new in the international relations (IR) literature, of course. ) Hans Morgenthau argued that every state has an innate tendency to be afraid of losing power relative to other states, through the latter’s deliberate strategies, changed circumstances, or the state’s own mistakes.
Ultimately, the state as such speaks and acts coherently. To the extent that a political unit fails to do so, it fails to be a state as such. The state qua state possesses de facto domestic sovereignty over the inhabitants of its territory; that is, it exercises ultimate coercive power at home. Moreover, its will is complied with because it possesses this power, by a proportion of those inhabitants which is sufficient to secure a ‘reasonable’ level of social order (Ritchie, 1893). Furthermore, it is recognised by the appropriate international body or bodies as being able to promulgate and enforce its will over those inhabitants.
In the latter part of the analysis, CDA thus falls back on a conception of ideology as an influential representation of reality that is in effect drawn from Marxism, but without adopting the Marxist theoretical framework, with its explanations of power, social contradiction and so on, CDA results in a tautological conclusion which sees ideological discourse as the source of the very power that is already assumed in the hegemonic status of that discourse. Nevertheless, just as Beck’s approach produces insights into the relation between the discourse of the war on terror and wider social 26 Theoretical frameworks processes, so Jackson’s analysis yields insights into the discursive construction of the war on terror.