By Alan J. P. Taylor
The approach of foreign repression ended with the autumn of Metternich in 1848. The conflicting beliefs of foreign revolution and collective protection got here into being with Lenin and Wilson in 1918. Nationalism, tempered through the stability of energy, ruled Europe within the intervening seventy years. Drawing on a wealth of diplomatic files, A. J. P. Taylor examines the kinfolk of the nice Powers, whilst Europe was once nonetheless the centre of the realm. Written in commonly lively prose, it is a not easy and unique diplomatic heritage, that still considers the political and fiscal forces which made continental warfare inevitable.
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Additional resources for The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848-1918 (Oxford History of Modern Europe)
Example text
Perhaps Mr. ' 1 The statesmen of 1914 enjoyed Freedom from Fear, so far as revolution went. This made it easier for them to contemplate war as an instrument of policy. But they had more positive obstacles to overcome. It was not enough to know that their people would not oppose them in case of war; they had to ask others. There is whether the people would support them, and how effectively. Every year war demanded greater organization and greater initiative. The armies of 1848 were still very much armies of the ancien regime held together by brutal discipline, conducting 1 Under another name (which may be found much more famous than Berchtold.
On 23 May Hummelauer met Palmerston and offered Lombardy-Venetia full autonomy; when Palmerston rejected this as inadequate Hummelauer increased the offer on 24 May Lombardy should become independent and only Venetia remain under Austrian suzerainty. was rejected by the British cabinet as in3 June the British government gave Hummeadequate. lauer a formal reply: they would be prepared to mediate between Austria and Sardinia if the Austrians were willing to surrender not only Lombardy but 'such portions of the Venetian Territory as may be agreed upon between the respective Parties'.
1848. , ii. 28-35. THE DIPLOMACY OF REVOLUTION 6 [1848 well have to raise the masses with a promise of social revolution. On the other hand, the Russians knew that Austria could contribute nothing and doubted whether Prussia could conmuch; the entry of a Russian army into Germany might well touch off the revolution. Therefore the tsar encouraged the conservatism of others without pledging himself tribute to the conservative cause; Russian self-interest, not abstract was his guiding motive. 1 As for Frederick William, principle, mind was already in a high ferment of contradictions.