By James J. Brittain
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Percent of its formal members coming from the countryside – 12 to 13 percent derived from various indigenous groups13 – and the remaining 35 percent from urban sectors. The current membership is dominated by subsistence peasants and small producers, but has grown to incorporate indigenous populations, Afro-Colombians, the displaced, landless rural laborers, intellectuals, unionists, teachers, professionals, doctors, lawyers, priests, and sectors of the urban workforce (Petras et al, 2005: 118; Petras, 2003: 24–5, 99; Petras and Veltmeyer, 2003a: 178–9; Richani, 2002a: 63; Wickham-Crowley, 1992: 214).
All this occurred only a few short hours after US ambassador to Colombia, William Brownfield, visited the area and applauded the progress made in areas of security and economic prowess as a result of the FARC-EP’s decline (Reuters, 2008c). In response to the strike Colombian General Paulino Coronado coordinated a mounted offensive on May 3 to stop the FARC-EP campaign and resume the flow of oil production. The guerrillas quickly eliminated the battalion and continued their assault on the pipeline facilities for an additional 48 hours (Associated Press, 2008b).
The guerrillas lost their permanent bases and had to become mobile. They adopted the name of Armed Forces of the Colombian Revolution, FARC, but did not achieve any notable success. Their leaders had great prestige among the peasants, even in Conservative areas, such as the municipality of Colombia (Huila). (Gilhodés, 1970: 444–5) Many of those I spoke with echoed similar claims. They had a common theme: that the guerrillas did not represent or fight for the masses, but that the insurgency was the masses.