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By José A. Alemán (auth.)

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Additional info for Labor Relations in New Democracies: East Asia, Latin America, and Europe

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Its main drawback, however, is that the data is only available for one year, 1999. As such, the SES database cannot be used to make rigorous causal claims. If a time has to be chosen to study a collection of countries, however, the late 1990s is probably the most preferable, since labor market policies and institutions do not change much from year to year. Many emerging democracies had by then begun to consolidate the economic and political reforms they had carried out earlier. With those caveats in mind, I created a list of countries that democratized after 1974 and hence meet the criteria for being considered new democracies (Huntington 1991).

5 Protection Overall Voice Representation as a Function of Overall Employment for high levels of redistribution. Conversely, in countries with relatively equal income distributions, there may be broad public support for programs that guarantee a certain level of income and work-related benefits to workers. 6 plots outcome voice representation as a function of the gini coefficient, showing again no systematic relationship between the two. Finally, it is important to consider the possibility of reverse causality.

18 To assess the extent to which political inclusion has benefited workers, this chapter has argued in favor of decoupling the nature of the political regime—politically inclusive or exclusive—from the level of regulation in the labor market. The following chapter undertakes a systematic evaluation of the extent of labor incorporation and labor market regulation in emerging Third Wave democracies. The question I ask is whether protective labor market regulations are indeed linked to effective political representation in this important group of countries.

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