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By Paul Pillar

A profession of approximately 3 a long time with the CIA and the nationwide Intelligence Council confirmed Paul R. Pillar that intelligence reforms, specifically measures enacted on account that 9-11, should be deeply faulty. they generally pass over the assets that underwrite failed coverage and misperceive our skill to learn open air impacts. in addition they misconceive the intelligence-policy dating and advertise alterations that weaken intelligence-gathering operations.In this e-book, Pillar confronts the intelligence myths american citizens have come to depend on to provide an explanation for nationwide tragedies, together with the idea that intelligence drives significant nationwide protection judgements and will be mounted to prevent destiny disasters. Pillar believes those assumptions waste serious assets and create destructive guidelines, diverting realization clear of smarter reform, they usually retain american citizens from spotting the boundaries of accessible knowledge.Pillar revisits U.S. overseas coverage throughout the chilly conflict and highlights the small position intelligence performed in these judgements, and he demonstrates the negligible impression that America's so much infamous intelligence mess ups had on U.S. coverage and pursuits. He then stories intimately the occasions of Sept. 11 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq, condemning the September 11 fee and the George W. Bush management for his or her portrayals of the position of intelligence. Pillar bargains an unique method of higher informing U.S. coverage, which contains insulating intelligence administration from politicization and lowering the politically appointed layer within the government department to wrestle slanted perceptions of overseas threats. Pillar concludes with rules for adapting international coverage to inevitable uncertainties.

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S. perspective alone they would not. S. operation in Iraq to become a new center of attention in the region could benefit Israel by diverting attention and opprobrium from its own military occupation of the West Bank and conflict with its Arab neighbors. To some extent, this diversion did happen. Before the war, the Israeli–Palestinian issue was the one topic that Arabs throughout the region (and some Muslims elsewhere) would repeatedly raise as a grievance. S. occupation of Iraq. S. policymakers on the Iraq War in very personal ways.

It is one of the most populous Arab states and more centrally located than other relatively large Arab countries. In short, Iraq combined positive and negative attributes that made it an especially attractive target for anyone interested in changing regimes and spreading freedom in the Middle East. On one hand, Iraq was significant enough to the Arab world for it plausibly to function as the lead domino whose fall would help to knock over other reconstructed political systems in the region. On the other hand, it was ruled by an especially abhorrent dictator—the perfect foil whose overthrow would be the immediate objective of a war that could be portrayed as just and necessary.

16 The twin objectives of spreading freedom in a region and sending messages farther afield about American strength and willpower constituted an offensively oriented counterpart to the defensive objectives that were the main reasons the United States under Lyndon Johnson went to war in Vietnam in the 1960s. The version of the domino theory applied to Asia involved a feared succumbing of successive neighboring states to communism; the new version applied to the Middle East featured a hoped-for succumbing of successive neighboring states to the attractions of freedom and democracy.

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