By Julius Ruiz
Madrid grew to become one of many key symbols of Republican resistance to basic Franco throughout the Spanish Civil struggle following the Nationalists' failure to take town within the iciness of 1936-7. but regardless of the defiant cries of 'No pasar?n', they did finally cross on 28 March 1939. This booklet examines the results in Madrid of Franco's unconditional victory within the Spanish Civil battle. utilizing lately to be had archival fabric, this learn exhibits how the punishment of the vanquished used to be in line with a merciless irony - Republicans, no longer the army rebels of July 1936, have been held accountable for the fratricidal clash. army tribunals passed out sentences for the crime of 'military rebellion'; mere passivity in the direction of the Nationalists earlier than 1939 used to be not just made a civil offence below the legislation of Political obligations yet can cause dismissal from paintings; and freemasons and Communists, in particular blamed for the Civil warfare, have been criminalized through decree in March 1940. although, opposite to a lot that has been written at the topic, the post-war Francoist repression used to be now not exterminatory. Genocide didn't happen in post-war Madrid. whereas at the very least 3113 judicial executions came about among 1939 and 1944, dying sentences have been principally in response to accusations of participation in 'blood crimes' that happened in Madrid in 1936. in addition, and in contrast to such a lot different money owed of the Francoist political violence, this booklet is anxious with the query of whilst and why mass repression got here to an finish. It indicates that the sheer numbers of instances opened opposed to Republican 'rebels', and using advanced pre-war bureaucratic systems to method them, produced a trouble that used to be in simple terms resolved through judgements taken via the Franco regime in 1940-1 to desert a lot of the repressive method. by way of 1944, mass repression had come to an finish.
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Example text
E. Leiva, En nombre de Dios, 165. 117 F. Aylagas, El re´gimen penitenciario espan˜ol (Madrid 1951), 85, quoted in R. , Una inmensa prisio´n, 161. 118 FNFF, vol. 2(i), 176–7. 119 These are listed in Article 4. 120 The decision to establish responsibility from October 1934 is revealing of Francoist assumptions regarding the causes of the civil war. Thus the insurrection was believed to have provided a ‘warning’ of the intentions of the Popular Front that were ‘confirmed’ by 115 Introduction 23 had opened 6,629 investigations with 17,498 pending cases.
35 AGA, J(RP), 30293. 36 See the February 1939 Bello´n Commission report quoted in the Introduction (n. 53). 39 On 27 June the Falangist newspaper Arriba informed its readers that Carlos Escanilla Simo´n, allegedly the president of the Communist-organized revolutionary tribunal, or checa, that operated from the church in 72 San Bernardo Street hunting down ‘fascists’ in 1936, had been arrested. 40 These figures bear little relation to reality. 41 Even this is likely to be exaggerated. As we have seen, the current estimate, given by Casas de la Vega in 1994, is 8,815.
In the village of Hortaleza in June 1940, for example, twenty-nine bodies were dug up on the authority of the local bishop. AHN, CG-M, 1508. 50 Arriba, 2 Oct. 1939. 51 His body was carried by successive teams of Falangists on the 500-kilometre journey to El Escorial. g. ABC, 19 Nov. 1939 to 1 Dec. 1939. Primo de Rivera was later reburied in Franco’s monument to the Nationalist dead, the Valley of the Fallen, near El Escorial. 52 Arriba, 22 Aug. 1939. 53 Arriba, 22 and 23 Oct. 1939. Athletic de Aviacio´n was the result of a merger in September 1939 between the Vallecas-based Athletic and Aviacio´n Nacional, a Nationalist air-force side that had the pick of Nationalist Spain’s best football players.