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By Christopher D. Cotts - Lieutenant Colonel, USAF

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Extra resources for The Revenge of Europe : NATO and the Transatlantic Relationship in the Era of the European Union

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Council of the EU, 14205/03, 1. 74. James, Rise and Fall of the British Empire, 559–60. Wigg was not endorsing this view. He was, in fact, condemning English xenophobia. He claimed that “The wogs begin at Calais” represented Winston Churchill’s view of the world. 75. Pew Research Center, T-124. 31 Chapter 3 Anarchy, Power, and Interest: Understanding Alliances The EU’s nascent statehood, though interesting in itself, is not sufficient to explain the growing tensions in NATO and in the greater transatlantic relationship.

People often have needs and desires that exceed their means. A midgrade Air Force officer may aspire to a mansion facing the water in Miami Beach, but on the relatively modest income derived from a life of military service, she is unlikely to attain that aspiration. Similarly, states often have interests they do not have the power to attain. 17 Means and ends—power and interests—are independent. When discussing national interests, most, if not all, analysts assume that states have at least one common interest—physical survival.

Each one still needs to secure itself. However, it does mean that each one will perform differently within the system. 9 Still, saying that power is determinative is a trifle obvious and begs the question of how we might define or measure power. Some theorists see power in almost purely material 35 WALKER PAPER terms. 10 Other neorealists cut things even more finely. John J. Mearsheimer says flatly, “In international politics . . ” Mearsheimer considers other material forms of power—“abundant wealth and great population,” for instance— primarily as they make it possible for a state to develop a strong, capable military.

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