By Theodore Dalrymple
Western Europe is in a unusually neurotic situation of being boastful and terrified while. at the one hand, Europeans think they've got finally created a great social and political procedure within which guy can dwell conveniently. in lots of methods, issues have by no means been greater at the previous continent. nonetheless, there's becoming anxiousness that Europe is readily falling in the back of in an competitive, globalized global. Europe is on the vanguard of not anything, its demographics are swiftly remodeling in unsettling methods, and the traditional risk of barbarian invasion has resurfaced in a clean manifestation.
In The New Vichy Syndrome, Theodore Dalrymple lines this malaise again to the good conflicts of the final century and their devastating results upon the eu psyche. From problems with faith, classification, colonialism, and nationalism, Europeans carry a “miserablist” view in their background, one who alternates among indifference and outright contempt of the prior. Today’s Europeans now not think in something yet own financial safety, an elevated lifestyle, shorter operating hours, and lengthy holidays in unique locales.
The end result, Dalrymple asserts, is an unwillingness to maintain ecu achievements and the dismantling of western tradition by way of Europeans themselves. As vapid hedonism and competitive Islamism fill this cultural void, Europeans don't have any one else in charge for his or her plight.
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71 Henri Estienne, Deux dialogues du nouveau langage françois italianizé (Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), 22. 72 As it is well-known, Abbé Sieyès subverted exactly this perspective when he identified the third estate with the nation. ii. The “Chosen nation” as a focus of allegiance While the discourse of humanist patriotism had a certain tendency to try to suppress religious conflicts in the name of common good, the emergence of religious plurality also led to various competing narratives of the national community in terms of a community in God’s particular care.
155. , 202ff. , 110. n. 33. towards an intellectual history of patriotism 35 identity to itself, although obviously not separating political and religious identities completely. The symbolic unity of the realm was based on a construction of normative collective past, a compelling vision of ancient national gloire. At the same time, this was connected to the strengthening of a skeptical mode, refusing the utopian models and paying more attention to the actual power-relations. While humanist patriotism was occasionally used to legitimize the different denominational projects, the theoreticians of the emerging raison d’état sought to renarrate the patriotic allegiance in terms of the identification with a fixed order, concentrating on the ruler, separating patriotism from participation.
80 Quoted by Rudolf von Albertini, Das Florentinische Staatsbewusstsein im Übergang von der Republik zum Prinzipat (Bern: Francke Verlag, 1955), 24. 77 towards an intellectual history of patriotism 27 and natura (in the sense of climatic determination) qualify the city for a democratic regime. The conceptual fusion can be grasped first in his ambivalent speculation about the “mission” of Florence. When he speaks about pace universale, he means the overruling of the traditional communal conflicts in view of the unanimitas of the common good (tutti insieme uniti siano una medesima cosa),81 but this construction of unity is warranted by an eschatological construction when he starts to speak about the città riformata, fusing the civic recovery with a spiritual one.