By Anna Marie Smith
The 1st booklet within the Cultural Margins sequence is a ground-breaking learn of racism and homophobia in British politics. Anna Marie Smith analyzes key moments in New correct discourse: the speeches of Enoch Powell on black immigration (1968-72) and the legislative crusade of the overdue Nineteen Eighties to ban the advertising of homosexuality. She demanding situations the silence on problems with race and sexuality in prior reviews of Thatcherism and the recent correct, and provides a devastating critique of racism and homophobia in late-twentieth-century Britain.
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Additional resources for New Right Discourse on Race and Sexuality: Britain, 1968-1990 (Cultural Margins)
Example text
25 Through its deployment of representational strategies which have organized and incited these identifications, Thatcherism constructed a new social bloc. Hall insists, however, that this bloc is complex and contradictory. 'It does not consist of one whole class or even part of one class. '26 When Thatcherism pursued its privatization policy, for example, it attempted to include many new constituencies within this project by promoting the development of a new share-owning working class. When it attacked state education, it encouraged the formation of a newly 'empowered' bloc of parents from virtually every social sector.
The demonization of homosexuality was framed not only in terms of AIDS-panic discourse, but also in terms of Powellian and Thatcherite racism. The Section 28 supporters explicitly linked the promotion of homosexuality with the promotion of multiculturalism. They drew extensively upon already normalized racist metaphors around disease, foreign invasions, unassimilable 'other' cultures, dangerous criminals, subversive intellectuals, excessive permissiveness and so on. Most of the commentators on Section 28 failed to note these important genealogical linkages.
It does not consist of one whole class or even part of one class. '26 When Thatcherism pursued its privatization policy, for example, it attempted to include many new constituencies within this project by promoting the development of a new share-owning working class. When it attacked state education, it encouraged the formation of a newly 'empowered' bloc of parents from virtually every social sector. Hall, writing in 1987, did not of course foresee the limitations of these complex strategies which came to the fore in 1990, namely that Thatcherism would fail to construct a broadly defined imaginary New Right discourse on race and sexuality 'winners' bloc in the case of the poll tax and health service reforms, and that Thatcherism would be unable to produce an adequately complex representation of its policies vis-a-vis Europe.