Download Irish Political Prisoners 1848-1922: Theatres of War by Sean McConville PDF

By Sean McConville

This can be the main wide-ranging examine ever released of political violence and the punishment of Irish political offenders from 1848 to the founding of the Irish unfastened nation in 1922. those that selected violence to increase their Irish nationalist ideals ranged from gents revolutionaries to people who brazenly embraced terrorism or maybe full-scale guerilla struggle. Sean McConville offers a entire survey of Irish progressive fight, matching chapters on punishment of offenders with descriptions and research in their campaigns. Government's reaction to political violence was firm by way of a few components, together with not just the character of the offences but additionally curiosity and help from the U.S. and Australia, in addition to present goals of Irish coverage.

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Extra resources for Irish Political Prisoners 1848-1922: Theatres of War

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262). 37 See William Dillon, Life of John Mitchel, op. , vol. 1, p. 213. Mitchel began to attend Confederation meetings again, moving a resolution that the clubs should arm themselves. The resolution was passed with acclamation. He recalled ‘Nobody would be listened to there, who proposed any other mode of redress for Irish grievances than the sword’ (1873, p. 262). 38 NLI: O’Brien Papers: Ms. 449; personal memorandum. The implied reference to the excesses of the first French Revolution is significant.

1883), p. 12. Mitchel had died in 1875. ‘I lost the confident hopes I had rested on him. ’ Yet, Martin added, ‘Nobody else appeared to possess the qualities for a leader in our cause so eminently as Mitchel’ (Diary of John Martin, Northern Ireland Public Record Office (NIPRO), D. 560/5; Paris Journal, July 1858, f. 134). d. 20 Underlying differences on the relationship between Irish nationalism and Roman Catholicism grew more acute as O’Connell became careless, in public and private, of the distinction.

This could leave no legal doubt of his intent. The only question was the seriousness of the threat. As noted above, Mitchel believed that revolution was a spontaneous explosion that none could stop: it was a force of nature, or it was nothing. On this basis he taunted government with the idea of men openly preparing ‘to overthrow a powerful government, by force, and giving a programme of their plans beforehand’. It must seem absurd to the Lord Lieutenant, but that was what was under way: ‘The Irish People, or a competent number of them, will simply continue so to arm, and so to organize .

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