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By Gabriel Paquette

Efforts to envision the impact of enlightenment notion on country motion, specifically executive reform, within the lengthy eighteenth century have lengthy provoked stimulating scholarly quarrels. Generations of historians have grappled with the elusive intersections of enlightenment and absolutism, of political principles and govt coverage. so that it will supplement, extend and rejuvenate the controversy which has thus far targeted mostly on Northern, primary and jap Europe, this quantity brings jointly historians of Southern Europe (broadly outlined) and its ultramarine empires. each one bankruptcy has been explicitly commissioned to have interaction with a typical set of historiographical concerns in an effort to reappraise particular features of 'enlightened absolutism' and 'enlightened reform' as paradigms for the examine of Southern Europe and its Atlantic empires.

In so doing it engages creatively with urgent matters within the present old literature and indicates new instructions for destiny examine. No unmarried historian, operating by myself, might write a heritage that did justice to the complicated concerns taken with learning the relationship among enlightenment rules and policy-making in Spanish the USA, Brazil, France, Italy, Portugal and Spain. as a result, this well-conceived, balanced quantity, drawing at the services of a small, carefully-chosen cohort, bargains a thrilling research of this old debate.

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Additional info for Enlightened reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic colonies, c. 1750-1830

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Charles Noel deftly synthesizes an alternative interpretation: the Enlightenment had less to do with the triumph of ‘reason’ over ‘superstition’ and more with the creation of new institutions and practices of bourgeois sociability and consumption. Thus, according to Noel, the pulse of this movement ought to Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic Colonies 34 be found in tertulias, salons, coffee shops, printing houses, newspapers, and in the case of Spain, the court. The new public sphere spawned by all these private and public institutions was long in the making and might have well originated with the Hapsburg, not the Bourbon.

Sella and C. Capra (eds), Il Ducato di Milano 1535–1796 (Turin, 1984), pp. 151–617. 14 Anna Maria Rao, L’Amaro della feudalità. La devoluzione di Arnone e la questione feudale a Napoli alla fine del ’700 (Naples, 1984); ‘Esercito e società a Napoli nelle riforme della seconda metà del settecento’, Studi Storici, 28 (1987): 623–77; more generally, her warning against assimilating the work of very different scholars to Venturi’s model: ‘Enlightenment and reform: an overview of culture and politics in Enlightenment Italy’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 10 (2005): 142–67.

Some illuministi were, by temperament and intellectual conviction, more inclined to practical reform, and thus resisted the urge to utopian solutions; others, by contrast, concluded that such solutions were the only viable basis of reform. Given the conditions which faced them in Italy, however, all felt the urge to radicalise their objectives, to quicken the pace of reform. Thus economic development was sought not only to strengthen the state, or to make more goods available to consumers; it must also achieve a much greater degree of social equality, increasing the numbers of medium and small property-owners on the land, and ameliorating the condition of the urban poor.

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